The concept of Europeanisation emerged in parallel with the developments in the enlargement of the European Union in the 1990s and became the subject of European studies. The main reason for the emergence of the concept is to examine at what level and how the European Union integration affects the member states. With the acceleration of the institutionalisation of the European Union, the involvement of regional and international actors in the policy-making process, and the Union having more influence on the societies of the member states, the interest in Europeanisation studies has increased and the concept has started to be discussed and interpreted by many researchers.[1] The fact that the European Parliament started to have more and more say in the decision-making mechanisms of the Union, and that the Union continued to take steps towards political integration in addition to economic reasons with the Single European Act and the Maastricht Treaty are concrete developments that brought the concept into the focus of researchers.[2]
The shift in the interest of researchers towards Europeanisation research has led to the concept having many definitions in the process. This has led to the lack of a definition that is accepted and adopted by everyone. When the concept first emerged, five different reflections of Europeanisation were put forward. Accordingly, in its first use, Europeanisation indicates the degree to which the European Union creates a single political space in Europe as a continent as its borders expand. Secondly, it symbolises the creation of a degree of coherence and capacity for joint action by establishing institutions at the European level. In its third use, it refers to the harmonisation of national and sub-national governance systems to the level of the European Union. In its fourth use, Europeanisation refers to the transfer outside the European territory of forms of political organisation and governance that are usual and distinctive for Europe. Fifth and finally, the degree to which Europe is able to form a more united and stronger entity is one of the uses of Europeanisation.[3] According to another definition, Europeanization is “a cumulative process in which EU political and economic dynamics are reoriented until they become part of the organizational logic of national politics and policy making.”[4] How political structures within states adapt to EU integration and this process of adaptation is prominent in this definition. Furthermore, Europeanization is “a process of construction, diffusion and institutionalization of formal and informal rules, procedures, paradigms, paradigms, styles, ways of doing business, which are firstly manifested and consolidated in the formulation of EU policies, and then integrated into the basic logic of local discourses, identities and policies.’’[5] This definition places a strong emphasis on institutions, arguing that identities and various components of policy-making can also be considered within the scope of Europeanisation. In addition, the diffusion of cultural norms, ideas, identities and behavioural patterns within Europe on a transnational basis is one of the areas where Europeanisation is applied.[6]
Regarding the Europeanisation of Eastern European countries, the countries of Eastern Europe are now officially part of Europe, with the security and economic benefits of being part of Western organisations. With EU membership, democratic consolidation processes are also considered complete.[7] On the one hand, Europeanisation is an ongoing, far-reaching process for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.[8] The Europeanisation of Central and Eastern European countries and their integration into the European Union can be considered as a process intertwined with post-communist democratisation, liberalisation and adaptation to western values and institutions. Perhaps the most important reason underlying the rapid completion of the accession process of the Central and Eastern European countries to the EU is the desire to prevent the shift to authoritarian regimes following the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and communist regimes, and the desire to have countries on Europe’s borders that are compatible with Western democracy and economy. From the EU’s point of view, the EU’s eastward expansion means its expansion towards Russia and the economic inclusion of the region in the Euro Area.[9]
Poland’s Europeanisation policies date back to the Union of Lublin in 1569 and the doctrine of Prometheism in 1918. Based on its state tradition, Poland has developed its Europeanisation policies in its own unique way over the centuries. Looking at the period of the 1930s, it is possible to see that for Poland, the Europeanisation trend, which was pursued in parallel with the policy of containment of Russia, became popular again with the Intermarium[10] policy.[11] After breaking away from the Eastern Bloc and joining the international system as an independent actor, Poland turned towards the West, saw the European Union as a civilisation and adopted Europe as a role model in economic, political and social terms. In 2004, it concretised these aspirations with its accession to the EU.
Ahead of the start of EU accession negotiations, Bronisław Geremek, acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, explained to parliament the progress made on this path chosen by the people and all political parties that have governed Poland since 1990. On 31 March 1998, Poland was asked to open EU membership negotiations. In his statement, he emphasised that his country was committed to the fundamental values and principles of the EU, such as democratic governance, respect for human rights and an open and pluralistic society. He confirmed that Poland shares these values – which in his view are rooted in Christianity – as well as the principles of equality, solidarity and subsidiarity as the basis for European integration. He also underlined his country’s assets: a well-educated young population with positive and stable relations with its eastern neighbours. He stressed the need for dialogue with the social partners to ensure successful European integration.[12] After 1989, Poland’s integration into European political and economic structures became one of the main objectives of the state. One of the reasons for Poland’s desire for rapprochement with Europe can be seen as economic development issues and the financial aid provided to Poland within this framework. Poland wanted to recover its economy which collapsed after communism and to transition to a Western-type liberal economy. Financial aid from the EU has created hope for Poland. The Phare programme can be mentioned at this point. “PHARE” can be defined as international efforts to provide economic support to the initially developing democracies of Poland and Hungary.[13] ”The EU, aiming to prioritise economic rather than political priorities with its financial assistance through PHARE, wanted the order of the transition phase to be determined in this way. ”[14] In this case, the EU and Poland agree that economic priorities should come first.
When the role of the Church in Poland’s Europeanisation process is analysed, it is seen that “the preservation of Polish national identity and Catholic values” is a priority for the Church. It is obvious that the clergy are in favour of EU integration only as long as these Polish values are preserved The Pope has undoubtedly played an important role in shaping the views of the Church and the clergy towards the EU. Pope John Paul II has called on Christendom to reject the sensual, secular culture of Western Europe, which he claims betrays its roots. “We do not have to join the EU because we have already helped to create it and have done much more than the countries that monopolise Europeanism. And what should be the criterion of Europeanism?[15]
Polish clergy have a varied perception of the EU. In the survey, the clergy were asked what they perceive the EU to be and what kind of union they would like the EU to be. According to the results, 91 per cent of the respondents perceive the EU as an economic union, 58 per cent as a political union, 15 per cent as a cultural union, while 19 per cent think that it is only a community of values. When asked what the EU should be, 79 per cent answered economic union, 8 per cent political union, 29 per cent cultural union and 71 per cent community of values. In addition, more than 80 percent support a confederal structure and think that the EU should be a union of independent states, underlining the “Europe of Nations” discourse. In 1998, another noteworthy issue in this public opinion survey was the support for EU membership. In the same period, 64 per cent of Poles were in favour of EU membership, while among the clergy this rate rose to 84 per cent.[16] Looking at this situation today, according to the November 2021 survey, the approval of Poland’s membership in the European Union is universal, with 88 per cent of respondents expressing support for Poland’s membership in this organisation. Only 6 per cent of respondents oppose its presence in the Community. This means that since 2014, public support for Poland’s presence in the EU has never fallen below 80 per cent. Poles are moderate supporters of the development of European integration. Every second person believes that Europe should become even more united. The belief that integration is too far-reaching is expressed by 18 per cent of all people. Surveys conducted after 2013 showed clear signs of strengthening identification with Europe. There were more people who saw themselves not only as Poles, but also as Europeans. In March 2019, more than half of first-time respondents (56 per cent in total) declared that they felt European. Currently, statements on national and European identity are very similar to the answers obtained more than two years ago. Overall, 55 per cent of respondents feel European.[17] As can be seen, the public’s perception of the EU has changed over time and the orientation towards the EU has increased.
To sum up, in the early years of the transition process, the sceptical views of the Church and a section of the Polish population towards Europe gave way to pro-integration statements as the EU process progressed. It can also be seen that there is no clear consensus among the Church and the clergy on the EU and Europeanism. Looking at the impact of the church on society today, the church has a strong influence, as the vast majority of people in Poland – more than 90 per cent – are officially classified as Catholic. However, in recent years it has suffered from declining religious attendance and an increasing number of apostasies. This process has been accelerated by revelations of child sexual abuse and allegations that it was covered up by the church hierarchy. Recent anger over the near-total ban on abortion has also been directed at the Church. Opinion polls show a significant decline in trust in the institution, especially among young people.[18]
Sümer Esin ŞENYURT
END NOTES
[1] Canan Balkır & Diğdem Soyaltın (2018), Avrupalılaşma: Tarih, Kuram, Kavram ve Türkiye Uygulaması, Istanbul Bilgi University Publications, p. 32.
[2] Ömer Uğur (2017), “Ulusal Dış Politikaların Avrupalılaşması: Kavramsal Bir Tartışma”, Turkish Studies, 12(24):1, p. 196.
[3] Johan P. Olsen (2002), “The Many Faces of Europeanization”, Journal of Common Market Studies, 40(5), pp. 923-924.
[4] Robert Ladrech (1994), “Europeanization of Domestic Politics and Institutions: The Case Of France”, Journal of Common Market Studies, 32(1), p. 70.
[5] Claudio. M. Radaelli (2003), “The Europeanization of Public Policy”, The Politics Of Europeanization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 30.
[6] Kevin Featherstone (2003), “Introduction: In the Name of ‘Europe'”, The Politics of Europeanization, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 7.
[7] Arista Maria Cirtautas & Frank Schimmelfennig (2010), “Europeanisation Before And After Accession: Conditionality, Legacies And Compliance”, Europe-asia Studies, 62(3), pp. 421-422.
[8] Frank Schimmelfennig & Ulrich Sedelmeier (2005), Introduction: Conceptualizing the Europeanization of Central and Eastern Europe, Cornell University Press, p. 1.
[9] Özgün E. Bayır (2013), Polonya Dış Politikasında Atlantikçilik Avrupacılık İkilemi, Derin Yayınları, pp. 98-99.
[10] See more about: Marek Jan Chodakiewicz (2017), Intermarium: The Land Between the Black and Baltic Seas, New York, NY: Routledge.
[11] Ferit Alizade (2020), “Polonya Siyasetinde Avrupacılık ve Ukrayna Politikaları”, Journal of Diplomasi ve Strateji, 1(2), December 2020, p. 121.
[12] Briefing, European Union History Series, Bronisław Geremek -In Search of a United Europe, EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service, Author: Magdalena Pasikowska-Schnass Members’ Research Service, December 2021, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2021/698820/EPRS_BRI(2021)698820_EN.pdf, (Accessed date: 13.05.2023).
[13] For more information see: The PHARE Programme and the enlargement of the European Union, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/enlargement/briefings/33a1_en.htm#, (Accessed date: 13.05.2023)
[14] James Hughes & Gwendolyn Sasse & Claire Gordon (2004), Europeanization and Regionalization in the EU’s Enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, p. 23.
[15] Stephen Engelberg (1991), “Pope Calls on Poland to Reject Western Europe’s Secular Ways”, The New York Times, 08.06.1991, https://www.nytimes.com/1991/06/08/world/pope-calls-on-poland-to-reject-western-europe-s-secular-ways.html, (Accessed date: 14.05.2023)
[16] Özgün E. Bayır (2013), Polonya Dış Politikasında Atlantikçilik Avrupacılık İkilemi, p. 107.
[17] CBOS Public Opinion Research Center, Polish Public Opinion, 11/2021 https://www.cbos.pl/PL/publikacje/public_opinion/2021/11_2021.pdf, (Accessed date: 14.05.2023).
[18] Daniel Tilles (2021), “Moral crisis ruining Europe,” warns head of Catholic church in Poland”, Notes From Poland, 04.05.2021, https://notesfrompoland.com/2021/05/04/moral-crisis-ruining-europe-warns-head-of-catholic-church-in-poland/, (Accessed date: 14.05.2023)
